Will Trump’s instability kill MAGA? By Raphael Machado

Trump likes to create chaos, but sometimes all you get from chaos is more chaos. From Raphael Machado at strategic-culture.su:

Will Trump’s instability – evident in his refusal to heed his own intelligence chief — destroy his political career and bury any hope of a positive legacy?

It’s no secret that Donald Trump is a controversial, unstable, and unpredictable figure—and that this has political repercussions when he’s in power, even within his own cabinet. His first term (2017–2021) was marked by internal clashes between different secretaries, between secretaries and key influencers, and even between himself and his own appointees.

Notable conflicts included those between Trump and Rex Tillerson, as well as between Trump and Jim Mattis. Eventually, Trump even clashed with Steve Bannon, his former chief strategist, over the president’s inclusion of figures they both considered part of the “Deep State,” such as Mike Pompeo.

So, instability in the halls of Trump’s government is nothing new. In fact, we’ve previously noted that, to some extent, this instability was part of a strategy of perpetual agitation, where new enemies (once allies) were continuously created to keep his base mobilized.

Still, these conflicts during Trump’s first term ultimately worked in favor of globalists and against the populists who formed his core base. The symbolic victory of globalists over populists within the Trump administration was the terrorist assassination of General Qassem Soleimani, the mastermind behind Iran’s geopolitical strategy in the Middle East—and one of the key figures responsible for the collapse of ISIS.

It’s said that Pompeo and Jared Kushner played decisive roles in the decision to kill Soleimani.

Nevertheless, when Trump returned to power, populists vowed not to give neocons any space in his government. Indeed, no Pompeo or Nikki Haley in the White House this time. Instead, we saw Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. taking prominent roles.

But attentive observers had already noticed that opposition to Trump in 2024 was less unanimous. More importantly, Big Tech—which had opposed him in the past—suddenly sided with him. Eccentric Elon Musk’s support was expected, but the backing of techno-globalist moguls like Peter Thiel and even Mark Zuckerberg suggested that things wouldn’t play out like the utopian visions of Bannonian populism.

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