Tag Archives: Drone killing

What the Drone ‘Playbook’ Really Says About US Counter-Terrorism Policy, by Anthony Walker

That the US has an official “playbook” for its drone strikes might seem to offer some reassurance about those strikes…until one sees the playbook. From Anthony Walker at antiwar.com:

Finally. After three years of delays and a lawsuit from the ACLU, President Obama has disclosed his administration’s rules and procedures for conducting “direct action” counter-terrorism operations, including drone strikes.

The “Presidential Policy Guidance” (PPG) on how the United States decides to kill people abroad has been covered in the mainstream press as an important clarification of how death by drone actually works. But the document is somewhat misleading, especially if you don’t have direct experience hunting terrorists.

I do have that kind of experience. I spent a year conducting direct action missions in Afghanistan while attached to a counter-terrorism task force.

Direct action is a polite way of referring to what is commonly known in the military as “kill or capture operations.” Kill or capture is just what it sounds like – operations where the objective is to kill or capture high value targets (HVTs).

Thus, the PPG lays out the procedures not only for drone strikes, but also for the kind of night raids I did in Afghanistan, if conducted somewhere not considered an active war zone (there are some differences when such operations happen in Afghanistan). But the way in which targets are acquired and actioned is roughly the same throughout the military and national security bureaucracy.

So what exactly did the Obama Administration disclose about these operations?

Well, it detailed the careful review process that exists for evaluating how, where, and when the United States kills terrorists. Some of the highlights: President Obama must personally approve a strike against a U.S. citizen; the first priority of direct action should be capture, not lethal force; potential targets must go through an interagency review process to be approved for lethal action; and “near certainty” must exist that noncombatants will not be killed for a potential strike to be authorized.

What no one in the mainstream press has said thus far about the document is how utterly absurd it is to establish a set of rules to govern an assassination program that routinely murders innocent civilians.

First of all, one should be forgiven for thinking that the review process outlined in the PPG governs operations, not individuals. It is somewhat vague on this matter. But it is a crucial point. It is individuals that are approved for assassination; how a given assassination takes place is decided much further down the chain of command.

Once an individual is marked for assassination he enters a “target deck” and is cleared to be engaged by drones, SEALs, manned aircraft – whatever is available. That means that every person he comes into contact with until force is used is potential collateral damage. It is quite disturbing to imagine a 24-year-old soldier sitting a in a windowless room, observing a surveillance feed and wondering, “Who’s the target talking to? Can we kill him too?

And therein lies the absurdity. If anyone other than the targeted individual is ultimately engaged with kinetic action (which happens all the time) than the procedures are meaningless. Where is the interagency and legal review for those individuals, even if they are classified as combatants? It doesn’t exist. Consequently, by authorizing kinetic action against certain individuals, the Obama Administration almost guarantees that people that have not been reviewed will end up dead – and many of them turn out to be innocent civilians.

To continue reading: What the Drone ‘Playbook’ Really Says About US Counter-Terrorism Policy

 

Michael Hayden’s Pro-Drone Propaganda, by Laurie Calhoun

From Laurie Calhoun at antiwar.com:

I have long been disturbed by the New York Times’ coverage of the drone campaigns. I was particularly appalled by the ghastly President-as-Godfather feature published on May 29, 2012. Many conservative pundits have complained that the so-called “liberal” newspaper serves as a mouthpiece for the current administration, which is shameful in and of itself. But how and why did the New York Times become an organ of state-funded propaganda? Whatever happened to fact-based, interest-free, objective journalism?

“Secret ‘Kill List’ Proves a Test of Obama’s Principles and Will”

That was the title of the 2012 feature extolling the virtues of “Terror Tuesdays”, with Obama and his fellow “kill committee” members deciding the fate of human beings located on the other side of the planet. I found the title especially egregious in view of the fact that many readers only scan headlines, automatically digesting them as “news”.

To depict as honorable Obama’s handwringing over whether to order strikes against suspects (better known in nongovernmental organized crime as “hits”) in violation the UN Charter, the Geneva Conventions, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and even the US Constitution, struck me as a very sorry reflection of the state of the mainstream media in the United States.

In yesterday’s Sunday edition, the New York Times published yet another pro-lethal drone piece, this time an op-ed by former CIA director and seasoned killer Michael Hayden. Bear in mind that, while serving as the head of the CIA, Hayden authorized 48 drone strikes resulting in 532 deaths, at least 144 known to be civilians. Those abysmal stats, like all mass media reports of what transpires in the drone campaigns, ignore altogether the nonlethal harm to the survivors, both the psychological trauma and physical maiming. The title of the op-ed?

“To Keep America Safe, Embrace Drone Warfare”

Many Americans may be inclined to sympathize with US administrators who have killed so many people, including obviously innocent civilians, while attempting to keep the homeland safe. Officials such as Michael Hayden certainly have psychological and emotional reasons to convince themselves that what they have done is right – if only in order to be able to sleep at night. But before automatically applying interpretive charity to cheerleader-for-assassination Hayden, it is essential for any reader of his propaganda piece to know that he now profits from the drone killing campaigns as a principal or board member of a few different drone program-affiliated companies.

Hayden boldly asserts that we should all support drone killing because it keeps us safe, but he offers absolutely no evidence to substantiate that claim. He briefly alludes to, but then chooses to forget, some of the criticisms aired by book authors, human rights organizations, the United Nations special rapporteurs on extrajudicial execution, former drone operators, and the government’s own commissioned Stimson Center report. Don’t drone strikes create more terrorists than they destroy? What will the world be like when China, Russia, and every other country on the planet begin dispatching their avowed enemies through the use of lethal drones wherever and whenever they please?

Hayden waves aside all of the many very real concerns about the inefficacy of drone warfare in quelling terrorism, insisting instead (and without documentation of any kind) that the strikes are “proportional” and “discriminate”. He chooses those words carefully, talking as warriors always do, the “just war” talk about their own missions of mass killing. But assassination, the hunting down and killing of specific human beings, did not suddenly become warfare because of the development of unmanned aerial systems. Why should the implement of homicide matter, when the intent is clearly the same? Hayden writes:

“Targeted killing using drones has become part of the American way of war. To do it legally and effectively requires detailed and accurate intelligence. It also requires some excruciatingly difficult decisions.”

Hayden here simply assumes what the title of the op-ed suggests that the author will set out to prove. In logic, the fallacy is known as “begging the question”, assuming as a premise the conclusion at which one wishes to arrive.

Since he brought up the topic of legality, it’s worth pointing out what Hayden omits, that the experts on extrajudicial execution at the United Nations have repeatedly expressed concern that the US drone campaigns violate international law. But this is not a mere case of “he said, she said.” There are laws, they are written in words, and words have meanings. To redefine “imminent threat” as no longer requiring “immediacy”, as was done in the US Department of Justice White Paper, is to indulge in Orwellian newspeak, no more and no less.

To continue reading: Michael Hayden’s Pro-Drone Propaganda