Tag Archives: George HW Bush

The New Cold War With Russia Is All America’s Fault, by Scott Horton

Scott Horton marshals an impressive case that the US is responsible for the new cold war with Russia. From Horton at antiwar.com:

The following is the text of a speech Scott gave to the King County, Washington Libertarian Party, February 29, 2020.

According to Rep. Jason Crow, Russian President “Vladimir Putin wakes up every morning and goes to bed every night trying to figure out how to destroy American democracy.”

But that’s not true. There’s no real reason to believe that Putin means us any harm at all. The new Cold War with Russia is all America’s fault.

See, at the end of the last Cold War the American foreign policy community, led by the neoconservatives, adopted a doctrine of global dominance. This was as Charles Krauthammer put it in 1990, the U.S.’s “Unipolar Moment” and opportunity to remake the world our way and keep it that way. They call it leadership, hegemony, preeminence, predominance or even Full Spectrum Dominance. No really, it’s all for their own good though. Keeping the peace; protecting the sea lanes; enforcing the global rules-based liberal international order.

Dick Cheney’s Defense Department’s post-Iraq War I, “Defense Planning Guidance” from 1992 defined the doctrine for the new decade and into the new millennium: The U.S. must remain the single dominant power on the planet, and must maintain enough military power to prevent any possible strategic rivals, such as Germany, Japan, Russia or China, from even considering an attempt to challenge U.S. power.

Continue reading→


Bush’s Finest 30 Seconds: The Willie Horton Ad

Ann Coulter thinks George H.W. Bush’s Willie Horton ad was a masterpiece. From Coulter at anncoulter.com:

The press in America is even worse than we imagine. We sense that they’re biased and stunningly incompetent. They are those things, but so much more. Our media’s version of the news is mathematically and precisely the opposite of the truth.

The death and burial of George H.W. Bush is only the latest example.

In the puffery and revisionism that accompany funerals, the man who gave us David Souter, an unnecessary war, tax hikes he promised not to impose and the Americans With Disabilities Act (aka The Destruction of Small Libraries Throughout New England Act) has been elevated to saintlike status.

But the one incident the media decided to excoriate Bush for was, in fact, his finest moment: the Willie Horton ad.

If we let the media get away with this, they will have once again redefined what constitutes acceptable discourse in America and cemented the notion that our political process should never be soiled by such a campaign ad — the one thing Bush got right in his entire public career.

Far from representing the “low road,” the Willie Horton ad was the greatest campaign commercial in political history. The ad was the reason we have political campaigns: It clearly and forcefully highlighted the two presidential candidates’ diametrically opposed views on an issue of vital national importance.

Bush’s opponent, Gov. Michael Dukakis of Massachusetts, had championed a self-evidently insane criminal justice program that provided prison furloughs to first-degree murderers.

Continue reading

Thanksgiving 2017 – Why There Is No Peace On Earth, by David Stockman

It looked like close to a sure thing when the Soviet Union folded in 1991: the end of the Cold War would be the beginning of peace. It hasn’t panned out that way, thanks to the United States. This is an oustanding summary of the period since 1991. From David Stockman at ronpaulinstitute.org:

After the Berlin Wall fell in November 1989 and the death of the Soviet Union was confirmed two years later when Boris Yeltsin courageously stood down the red army tanks in front of Moscow’s White House, a dark era in human history came to an end.

The world had descended into what had been a 77-year global war, incepting with the mobilization of the armies of old Europe in August 1914. If you want to count bodies, 150 million were killed by all the depredations which germinated in the Great War, its foolish aftermath at Versailles, and the march of history into the world war and cold war which followed inexorably thereupon.

To wit, upwards of 8% of the human race was wiped-out during that span. The toll encompassed the madness of trench warfare during 1914-1918; the murderous regimes of Soviet and Nazi totalitarianism that rose from the ashes of the Great War and Versailles; and then the carnage of WWII and all the lesser (unnecessary) wars and invasions of the Cold War including Korea and Vietnam.

We have elaborated more fully on this proposition in “The Epochal Consequences Of Woodrow Wilson’s War“, but the seminal point cannot be gainsaid. The end of the cold war meant world peace was finally at hand, yet 26 years later there is still no peace because Imperial Washington confounds it.

In fact, the War Party entrenched in the nation’s capital is dedicated to economic interests and ideological perversions that guarantee perpetual war; they ensure endless waste on armaments and the inestimable death and human suffering that stems from 21st century high tech warfare and the terrorist blowback it inherently generates among those upon which the War Party inflicts its violent hegemony.

In short, there was a virulent threat to peace still lurking on the Potomac after the 77-year war ended. The great general and president, Dwight Eisenhower, had called it the “military-industrial complex” in his farewell address, but that memorable phrase had been abbreviated by his speechwriters, who deleted the word “congressional” in a gesture of comity to the legislative branch.

To continue reading: Thanksgiving 2017 – Why There Is No Peace On Earth

A Half-Hearted Tribute to George Herbert Walker Bush, by Robert Gore

In the American kleptocracy, no bandits have made off better than the Bush clan, now seeking to put its third kleptocrat on the throne. Apparently if Jeb ascends many of the same geniuses responsible for the second Iraq war will be in his palace retinue (see “Jeb Bush Exposed Part 1,” SLL, 2/20/15). Instead of surrounding himself with their nonstop interventionist drumbeat, Jeb would be better off with a heart-to-heart on foreign and military policy with his dad. That’s not an endorsement of Mr. New World Order, just a preference, if we have to have another Bush presidency, for a policy that is not as insane as brother George W. Bush’s. Expanding on Clinton interventionism, G.W. promulgated the doctrine that the US could go after anyone it deemed a terrorist anywhere on the planet, without the consent of governments of the countries in which the US pursued said terrorists. G.H.W.‘s policy was not, by any stretch, ideal, it was just not as deranged as G.W.‘s.

When the US-led coalition repelled Saddam Hussein’s invasion of Kuwait in 1991, President Bush was urged by many to allow the military, which was in Iraq and 150 miles from Baghdad, to press on to the capital and get rid of Hussein. Instead, Bush declared Kuwait liberated and instituted a cease-fire and withdrawal of coalition forces. Unfortunately, the US sent mixed messages. Rebels against Hussein in southern Iraq and in Kurdish northern Iraq took encouragement from Voice of America and other US sources that their rebellion would be supported by the coalition’s military forces, which they were not. Iraq’s military crushed the rebels, and millions of Kurds fled to Turkey and Iran. Notwithstanding this tragedy, Bush completed the withdrawal.

Bush was acting on a principle: a nation invaded by another could call on the assistance of allies to repel the invasion. Upon that principle, Bush put together a coalition of 34 nations. The merits of the principle or its applications can be debated, but at least it was a clearly delineated principle, one which restricted US military action to a limited set of circumstances. The principle only justified US action to help thwart the Kuwait invasion. As Bush recognized, once that objective was attained, it was time for the US to go home. This was a far cry from his son’s later claim that the US could go where it wanted in pursuit of those it deemed terrorists. Whether or not Saddam and his henchmen were deemed terrorists, deposing him would have breached the father’s principle and fractured the coalition.

1991 was an eventful year; in December President Mikhail Gorbachev resigned and the USSR ceased to exist. Gorbachev insists that assurances were given by the Bush administration that the US would not take advantage of the situation by incorporating the newly independent nations of the Warsaw Pact into NATO, in exchange for Gorbachev’s assent to the reunification of Germany. Having lost 18 million to WW II, The USSR was understandably insecure about its neighbors on its west, through which Hitler had invaded and inflicted most of the Soviet Union’s war casualties. Whether or not an assurance was given, and it probably was (see “Put It In Writing, How the West Broke Its Promise to Moscow,” foreignaffairs.com), Bush did not expand NATO.

Bill Clinton proposed eastern NATO expansion at his first NATO summit in 1994, saying it “should enlarge steadily, deliberately, openly” (see “Bill Clinton’s Epic Double-Cross: How “Not An Inch” Brought NATO to Russia’s Border,” SLL, 2/16/15). During Clinton’s tenure, former Warsaw Pact nations Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic joined (1999), and most of the rest of the Warsaw Pact were admitted in 2004. George Kennan, architect of the US’s “containment” policy after World War II, had warned in a letter to The New York Times on February 5, 1997, that: “Expanding NATO would be the most fateful error of American policy in the entire post-cold-war era. Such a decision may be expected to inflame the nationalistic, anti-Western and militaristic tendencies in Russian opinion; to have an adverse effect on the development of Russian democracy; to restore the atmosphere of the cold war to East-West relations, and to impel Russian foreign policy in directions decidedly not to our liking.”

Such considerations may well have prompted the restraint of George H.W. Bush that his son and Clinton threw to the wind. Kennan’s characterization of Russia and East-West relations rings prophetic. The elder Bush had been the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency and had a fair amount of experience in foreign affairs. His refusal to “take out” Saddam Hussein and to expand NATO were hard-headed calculations based on that experience. The proponents of America’s ever-expanding interventionism had their way with Clinton and Bush, governors with little foreign policy experience. Hillary Clinton, who has sworn allegiance to the interventionist cause, and the two foreign policy neophytes who are shaping up as the frontrunners for the Republican nomination—former governor of Florida Jeb Bush and current governor of Wisconsin, Scott Walker—will be putty in their hands. Whoever ends up as president, the interventionists are assured that George H.W. Bush’s wisdom, limiting US power in Iraq and eastern Europe, will be nothing more than a historical memory, treated as an unenlightened curiosity of a bygone era.